
Safest Retirement Lockbox
June 14, 1999
by Scott A. Hodge
Scott A. Hodge is a senior fellow for tax and budget policy
at Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation.
The Senate will soon debate it's version of the "lockbox" measure
intended to put teeth behind Bill Clinton's rhetorical promise to preserve every
penny of the Social Security surplus for Social Security.
Congressional leaders believe the lockbox issue will effectively
counter Mr. Clinton's demagoguery and clear the way for a tax cut bill this
year. While it's hard to argue with this political calculation, it's still fair
to point out that putting Social Security's surplus into a lockbox will not
improve the long-term health of the system.
However, if the goal is to keep politicians from plundering Social
Security, the most secure lockbox Congress could create is a personal retirement
account for each and every worker. So rather than play rhetorical games with
the president, lawmakers should take an honest step toward reforming the system
by rebating every dollar of the Social Security surplus into personal retirement
accounts owned and managed by individuals, not politicians.
The Senate lockbox plan, designed by Spencer Abraham, Michigan
Republican, and Pete Domenici, New Mexico Republican, is essentially a plan
to buy down government debt using Social Security's $1.8 trillion in "off-budget"
surpluses over the next 10 years. (The House-passed version effectively achieves
the same ends albeit through procedural means.)
The plan is supposed to protect the system by assuring Social
Security's surpluses continue to build up in the trust fund while simultaneously
reducing the government's debt burden in preparation for the Baby Boomers' retirement.
But this is simply a paper exercise. (Ironically, it's similar
to the Clinton plan without the double counting.) Allowing more IOUs to build
up within the trust fund can make the system look healthier on paper, but it
does not create any real assets that can be drawn down to cover the program's
long-term shortfalls. As most everyone knows, Social Security's long-term cash
shortfall - which begins in 2014 - totals $122 trillion through 2075 ($19 trillion
after adjusting for inflation.)
Likewise, buying down debt can make us feel better, but it does
nothing to help us cover Social Security's long-term liabilities. As the accompanying
chart shows, the 2014 insolvency date would not change even if Congress were
to dedicate every dollar of Social Security's surplus to debt reduction for
the next 15 years (a total of $2.7 trillion).
Without making any structural reforms to the system, we simply
face the prospect of running up $8 trillion in new debt over the next 20 years
to pay the system's bills, unless of course we choose to raise taxes. This makes
as much sense as putting an extra $1,000 a year toward your mortgage just so
you can take out a second mortgage in 15 years to finance your kid's college
education.
Moreover, even if we were to "bank" $2.7 trillion in Fort Knox
until the Baby Boomers begin to retire, it would be trivial against the system's
long-term liabilities. In fact, $2.7 trillion would cover just 2.2 percent of
the program's long-term shortfall.
These figures aside, there are still many who argue that buying
down debt will at least produce tremendous savings for the budget by eliminating
costly interest payments. True. But even if we could capture these savings,
they would be insufficient to cover the system's long-term liabilities.
Let's assume for a moment we could eliminate the entire $3.6
trillion public debt today and, thus, save ourselves $230 billion in interest
costs each and every year. While these interest savings would total $17 trillion
through Social Security's 75-year actuarial forecast, this is only enough to
cover 14 percent of the program's long-term liability.
The biggest flaw of the lockbox, and the biggest flaw of the
Clinton plan, is that both plans do absolutely nothing to fix the system's most
serious problem - the poor rate of return future retirees will get out of the
system. That's why lawmakers must shift the terms of the debate away from talk
of "safeguarding" the system's surpluses, and instead talk about how to protect
workers' surplus payroll taxes.
The reason Social Security is running surpluses is that workers
are paying higher payroll taxes than the system needs to cover current benefits.
The $1.8 trillion in Social Security surpluses over the next 10 years are the
equivalent of $12,500 in excess FICA tax payments for every worker in America.
Lawmakers should argue that instead of using workers' excess
FICA tax payments to buy down debt, Washington has an obligation to allow them
to invest those extra taxes in personal retirement accounts that will grow into
real assets.
Reimbursing Social Security's current surplus would finance a
payroll tax cut of about 3.5 percentage points; this is a savings of $1,750
for a couple earning $50,000 per year. Multiply these savings by millions of
families, and you can begin to see the power of compound interest.
If every worker was allowed to invest their share of Social Security's
surplus into personal retirement accounts, and these accounts earned just 8
percent annually, workers would own $6 trillion in assets by the time Social
Security becomes insolvent, and $40 trillion in assets by the time the "trust
fund" is expected to become exhausted. It sure beats buying down some low-interest
debt.
In fact, the government is currently paying an average interest
rate of 6.4 percent on the federal debt - closer to 4 percent after adjusting
for inflation. That's a pretty cheap debt to carry, and a very poor return on
an "investment" of $1.8 trillion. Working Americans would be better off with
growing assets in personal retirement accounts - even when the cost of public
debt is included.
Lawmakers are right to try to beat Bill Clinton at his own rhetorical
game by locking up the Social Security surplus. But the most secure "lockbox"
they could create is a personal retirement account owned and controlled by each
and every worker. They should rebate every dollar of the Social Security surplus
into personal retirement accounts, then let Bill Clinton argue why the government
is more qualified to "safeguard" taxpayers' money.
This article appeared in The Washington Times, on June
7, 1999.
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