
September 21, 1999
Read the Fine Print on the New Social Security Statement
by Andrew G. Biggs
Andrew G. Biggs is a Social Security analyst with the Cato Institute.
The Social Security Administration has enthusiastically rolled out its new
and improved Social Security Statement to nearly universal applause from the
press. The new Statement tells workers how much they have paid into Social Security
and how much they can expect to receive in retirement. SSA Commissioner Kenneth
Apfel calls the Social Security Statement "a valuable tool that will help Americans
prepare for their long-term financial security."
But how much does the Statement really tell Americans? As with any
financial statement, it pays to read the fine print. Except that on the
Social Security Statement there isn't any, and it's in the details that its
dangerous deceptiveness lies.
On one count, the new Statement is an improvement. Past statements
disclosed only the employee's share of the payroll tax, 6.2 percent of
wages up to $72,600. That made Social Security seem like a good deal,
since the worker did not see the 6.2 percent tax his employer paid on his
behalf. But economists agree that the full 12.4 percent tax is really paid
by workers, since the employer's share is deducted from wages. Congress
has now forced the SSA to disclose both employee and employer shares of the
payroll tax.
Although workers now know how much they have paid into Social Security, the
new Statement tells them little about what they can expect to receive. A
Gallup survey shows that Statement recipients know that benefit levels are
based on earnings and that Social Security pays disability and survivors'
benefits, but the Statement doesn't reveal that there simply is not enough
money to pay for those benefits. While Democrats and Republicans agree
that Social Security faces substantial long-term financing issues, the
Social Security Statement acts as if these problems simply do not exist.
By 2014, payroll taxes will be less than needed to pay benefits. By 2035,
SSA's own "intermediate" estimates project that Social Security will be
able to pay only 72 percent of promised benefits. The non-partisan Concord
Coalition considers more accurate SSA's "high cost" estimates, which show
the ability to pay only 61 percent of promised benefits. Payroll tax
shortfalls of that size would reduce today's average monthly retirement and
survivors' payment from $711 to between $434 and $512.
In other words, the numbers just don't add up: either taxes must go up or
benefits come down. But you would never know that from reading the new
Statement. Unlike an IRA or 401(k) statement, there's no fine print
stating that benefits might fall by close to 40 percent or that tomorrow's
workers might be unwilling or unable to shoulder payroll taxes of between
18 and 21.5 percent of their wages.
Commissioner Apfel concedes that "the estimate is not just a projection
based on current income, it's based on current law. Both could change."
In fact, the Statement's benefit projections completely ignore SSA's own
best estimates. The Statement relies instead on promises from politicians,
whom a Gallup survey revealed to be the second-least trusted profession in
America. (Car salesmen should demand a recount.)
Apfel claims "the new statement will help people plan better for
retirement." Maybe it will help people who would accept an IOU from
someone they don't trust, who admits not having the money to repay, and who
will be long out of office when the crisis hits. But the rest of us want
to know how much retirement income current payroll tax rates will really
buy. The true answer is less than 75 percent of already meager promised
benefits, and perhaps as little as 60 percent. By 2067, when today's
newborns will retire, Social Security may be capable of paying no more than
half of promised benefits.
There are two alternatives: stick with the status quo, which means higher
taxes, lower benefits and an increased retirement age, or allow workers to
invest their payroll taxes in individual accounts that they would own and
control. Privatization will raise Social Security's rate of return so
future retirees can live in dignity without burdening workers with
back-breaking taxes. Real social security comes not from paper promises
but from real money, held by workers and invested in American businesses
that produce real increases in wealth.
Commissioner Apfel declares that SSA must "focus on the people paying into
the system rather than the ones receiving benefits." Indeed. SSA's first
step should be to tell workers how little they can really expect to receive
for their payroll tax dollars. That information alone would be an impetus
to privatization.
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