
June 4, 1998
Social Security: Partial Privatization Is Not Enough
by Michael Tanner
Michael Tanner is director of health and welfare studies at the Cato Institute
and coauthor of the upcoming book A New Deal for
Social Security.
When it comes to Social Security, we're all privatizers now.
From President Clinton to Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-N.Y.) to the Republican
leadership in Congress there is a growing consensus that any Social Security
reform will include some form of individually owned, privately invested retirement
accounts. But, before anyone gets too carried away, we need to recognize that
this is just the beginning of the debate, not the end.
Most of the proposals being discussed on Capitol Hill would allow
workers to divert a tiny portion of their payroll tax to individual accounts.
For example, Sen. Moynihan's proposal would allow workers to contribute 2 percent
(of a 12.4 percent payroll tax) to private accounts. Sen. Phil Gramm (R-Tex.)
would up that to 3 percent. House Speaker Newt Gingrich and Rep. John Kasich
(R-Ohio) wouldn't touch the payroll tax at all. They would fund individual accounts
directly from coming budget surpluses and worry about the actual Social Security
program later. President Clinton grudgingly says that he could accept small
individual accounts as long as they don't really change Social Security's structure.
The reasons for all this dime-store privatization are obvious.
Sen. Moynihan and President Clinton desire to save Social Security as we have
known it. They recognize the growing public support for privatization. Kicking
and screaming the whole way, they will accept just enough privatization to head
off real reform. And timidity is typical of the Republicans' recent drift. They
still lack the courage to take a truly principled position in the face of opposition
from President Clinton or special-interest groups. Theirs is a search for politically
painless leadership.
But partial privatization makes no more sense than cutting out
part of a cancer. The current Social Security system is fundamentally flawed.
A combination of political and economic circumstances has given us a unique
opportunity to redesign Social Security to produce a better, more secure retirement
program for future generations. Partial privatization will fall short in several
areas:
Financing: Partial privatization proposals are combined
with tax hikes or benefit cuts just large enough to keep Social Security barely
in balance, if projections are accurate. By retaining the program's essential
pay-as-you-go nature, the proposal remains vulnerable to future economic or
demographic changes. Throw in a recession or a medical breakthrough that extends
life and the system is right back in crisis.
Retirement benefits: Partial privatization would probably
increase the rate of return that young workers would receive on their Social
Security taxes, but by far less than full privatization. After all, would you
rather be able to invest 2 percent of your pay at a 7 percent rate of return,
and 10 percent at a negative rate of return, or invest all 12 percent at a 7
percent rate of return? Partial privatization is depriving young workers of
the difference between those two investment options. In a very real sense, partial
privatization is stealing future retirement benefits from those workers.
Economic growth: Harvard professor Martin Feldstein has
estimated that privatizing Social Security would have a value to the U.S. economy
of from $10 trillion to $20 trillion, permanently increasing our gross domestic
product by 5 percent. That would translate into at least a million new jobs
and an increase in annual income of $5,000 for an average family of four. But
that is for full privatization. Less than full privatization will bring correspondingly
less economic growth.
There is no reason to settle for partial privatization. A fully
privatized system can be designed and financed. Growing budget surpluses provide
the wherewithal to finance the transition. Public opinion has clearly swung
behind individual accounts. All that is missing is political leadership.
Half a loaf is better than none. But why settle for half a loaf
when there is a whole bakery available?
This article originally appeared in Monitor on June 4,
1998. It also appeared as a Cato Daily Commentary, Social
Security: Partial Privatization is Not Enough, May 26, 1998.
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